Category Archives: Ireland

Walking the Barrow Way

The Barrow Walk is a gentle discovery of geography, history, and nature both farmed and wild. The Grand Canal-Barrow line was added in 1791 as an extension linking Dublin with the Barrow River and the southeast. There are twenty-three locks between Lowtown-Roberstown in Kildare and St Mullins at the southern end. Each are impressive works of stone and wood, interspersed with humpbacked bridges. Usually, there is a parallel weir where rushing water churns up fleecy forth and a vigilant heron waits for a catch.

Swans, ducks, dragonflies, butterflies, and shrews were plentiful, with rolling fields of grain, ripe as well as harvested. We were rare enough walkers to attract the attention of grazing cattle. Despite dire weather warnings on the radio every morning, we were spared rain and enjoyed fleeting sunshine that regularly threw its magic over the landscape of water, trees, and hedgerows.

As my walking partner, my daughter appropriately taught me to recite Gerarld Manley Hopkins’ poem Inversnaid: appropriate because Hopkins often stayed at Monasterevin, our first overnight, and because the poem celebrates a river’s journey through untamed landscape. “….rollrock highroad roaring down…fleece of his foam…pool so pitchblack…wiry heathpacks, flitches of fern….What would the world be, one bereft/Of wet and of wildness? Let them be left,/….Long live the weeds and the wilderness yet.”

Athy is a busy hub around a nice town square. The Grand Canal-Barrow Line joins the River Barrow at the southern end of Athy, a lovely watery conjunction. We arrived just as a barge used the lock. This was the only time we actually saw a barge use the waterway. In fact, we saw no active boats or kayaks over the six days. We encountered only one other walker. It was nice to have the Barrow Way all to ourselves but also a puzzle that such a lovely facility was barely used at the height of summer.

Our next stop was Carlow town where its impressive stone castle reminds us of its founder, William Marshall. Marshall was the greatest knight in Christendom in the twelfth century, and Henry II’s chief man-at-arms. Because of his long service, Marshall was rewarded with marriage to Isabel, daughter of Strongbow and Aoife. During his lordship of Leinster, he built Hook Lighthouse and Tintern Abbey, practical and spiritual responses to surviving a near-foundering on the coast. Marshall established New Ross and added Carlow as a commercial stepping stone up the Barrow. Despite his widespread influence in the region, Marshall is barely known in Ireland, something that the Norman Millennium 2027 might address.

On we plodded, covering an average of over twenty kilometers day. The best accommodation was at the Lord Bagenal Inn in lovely Leighlinbridge. On the narrow old Main Street, it has what must be the smallest door into what also must be the coziest pub in Ireland. The premises then expands into a classy and capacious hotel at the back, now I suppose it’s front. It is a bizarre but very pleasing architectural conjuration. The dinner and pints were top notch.

Leighlinbridge converges the Barrow Way, the Columban Way, and the John Tyndall Way. Leighlinbridge native Tyndall, incidentally, was a great physicist who discovered the connection between CO2 and global warming. The Columban Way runs all the way to Bangor, commemorating our greatest international missionary who was born on the Carlow-Wexford border. The plan is to extend the route all the way to Bobbio in Italy where he founded a monastery and where he died. Old Leighlinbridge is a short distance west and was the centre of Leinster’s largest monastic settlement in the seventh century. Leighlinbridge is a great base to explore the prettiest parts of the Barrow Way, north and south.

On the Barrow Way at Bagenalstown, we came across the ruin of Rudkins Mill, founded by a Cromwellian soldier in the 17th century. Some of the Rudkins emigrated to the United States where Margaret Rudkin (nee Fogarty, second generation Irish family) started baking specialized bread for her asthmatic son in 1937, selling it to a grocery store in Fairfield Connecticut, and then establishing Pepperidge Farms. Impressed with Belgium’s chocolate biscuits, she produced her own under the Pepperidge Farm brand. She sold the company to Campbells Soups in 1961 and joined its board, the first woman to do so, but kept a controlling interest in Pepperidge Farms for another decade. Today, Pepperidge Farms is one of the largest American producers of biscuits (cookies), breads, and desserts with a revenue of $1.7bn. Margaret was literally the proverbial smart cookie! Throughout this period, the Rudkins kept a home in Carlow, their ancestral manor house.

Because we had stayed at Leighlinbridge, we had to cover over thirty kilometers to get to Graiguenamanagh, which suddenly appears around a bend, a very welcome sight by that stage! Time permitting, Duiske Abbey is well worth a visit with its carefully restored oak roof. It was founded by the busy William Marshall in 1204 and run by the Cistercians until it was suppressed by Henry VIII in 1536, its lands going to the resilient and cunning Butlers.

The last day was a morning stroll in glorious sunshine, crossing the impressive bridge at Graiguenamanagh (though it needs some pedestrian accommodation), and following the Barrow to St Mullin’s and the last lock. St Mullin’s marks the upper-most reach of the tidal influence on the Barrow which flows majestically to New Ross and out to the sea at Passage East (where Strongbow fatefully landed in 1170). St Moling founded a monastery here and the remains of its round tower remain visible. A steep cone of hill nearby is the remains of a mote-and-bailey built by Raymond ‘Le Gros’ FitzGerald, one of Strongbow’s greatest tactical warriors. In May 1170, Raymond landed near Wexford and seized the headland of Baginbun, ‘where Ireland was lost and won’ as the lament goes.

With the old graveyard at St Mullins containing the remains of rebels from the great rebellion of 1798, you can get a quick tour of Ireland’s history concentrated at St Mullin’s. It is also a delightful spot for lunch on the banks of the Barrow which marked the end of our adventure.

The one issue on the Barrow Way was the lack of facilities. To encourage greater use, it would be immeasurably improved with strategically placed sites with a toilet, tap, picknick area, and carpark.

Eamonn

28 August 2025

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First Bronze Shoes of the Global Irish Famine Way Unveiled in Ottawa

The first Bronze Shoes of the Global Irish Famine Way were unveiled in Ottawa on Saturday. It was a ceremony of emotions: pride, poignancy, and joy under the blue skies of Canada’s capital city.

The Irish had done so much to build Ottawa from its earliest days when it was known as Bytown. Since the 1820s, an Irish community had taken root and prospered to this day. The Irish community had rallied around the project to establish the Bronze Shoes. They had raised funds and mobilized to ensure that the City Council approved the project. The Irish Seniors of Ottawa were our frontline troops.  We are so proud of them. We are proud too of Michael McBane who had kept the story alive of the common grave that was the fate of over 300 Irish famine refugees who arrived distressed in the summer of 1847 from an Ireland ravaged by hunger and disease. The city’s development in the 20th century had erased any visible trace of the graveyard. But Michael knew it was there.

We began the day with Mass at the chapel of the Sisters of Charity, the Grey Nuns, whose heroism had saved countless victims of disease and hunger. The chapel is a magnificent space, vaulting white walls of cathedral scale. The Grey Nuns shared in this pride because it was their forebears, led by Sister Bruyère and her small band of young nuns, who had come to the aid of the Irish, braving an unknown and potentially fatal disease to care for them. When their efforts failed, they buried them with dignity in the cemetery that is now known as Macdonald Gardens Park. The Oblate Fathers, doctors, nurses, officials and lay people had also volunteered and risked their lives to help. Overall, eighty Canadians died that summer helping the Irish up and down its coast, from Miramichi to Niagara.

There was poignancy is our remembrance of those lying in the soil beneath our feet. Men, women, children, families taken by typhus, a disease of unknown cause, spread by the awful conditions in which they had been forced to flee. Converted lumber ships without enough food, water, or sanitation taking them across the North Atlantic. Upwards of 7000 Irish packed standing room only on barges taking them to the Ottawa and Gatineau Valleys to find their people, find hope and a future. Poignancy too in the fate of all emigrants forced to leave their homes by necessity.

And there was joy too. That we had succeeded in only two years to turn an idea into a reality, a monument to our dead. That that monument was the first of the Global Irish Famine Way that will trace the journey of all famine refugees around the world, a journey of 40,000km to Canada, the US, South Africa, Australia, and Tasmania. Joy that they had created a diaspora of 70 million who had wielded great influence wherever they had gone. Joy at the thought that while many had died, most had survived and prospered, their descendants part of a great global community.

At Macdonald Gardens Park, speakers addressed the large crowd, all with different things to say about the significance of the day. Mayor Sutcliffe and half the City Council. Anishinaabe Elder Claudette Commanda offered a welcome of wisdom, love, and warmth. She could sense the presence of the dead alert to the living memorial above them.

Michael McBane was Master of Ceremonies, those speaking also included the Irish Ambassador John Concannon, James Maloney MP, Nicolas McCarthy of Beechwood National Cemetery, Theresa Kavanagh (who spear-headed approval on the City Council), Kay O’Hegarty of the Irish Seniors, Caroilin Callery of the National Famine Museum of Ireland and founder of the National Famine Way Ireland, our historian Professor Mark McGowan, and finally I spoke just before we unveiled the Bronze Shoes. There was music and poetry. Caroilin and I hugged at the sight of this solid, emphatic, empathetic monument of granite and bronze. The Global Irish Famine Way had its first marker in Canada.

We closed with prayers from Sister Rachel Watier, Oblate Father Robert Laroche, and Rev. Dr Karen Dimock.

People came to touch the shoes. The Bronze Shoes invite this response, fingertips feeling out the history here, the reality of the dead beneath us, the awareness of how and why they died. Everyone who touches them is part of our community of memory.

The Bronze Shoes are a memorial to the dead. They are a symbol too of the journey onward of the living who had passed that way. The Bronze Shoes are themselves on the move, with unveilings due in St John’s, Grosse Île, Quebec, Montreal, Saint John, Toronto, Hamilton, and Niagara. Along this central trail, other sites will be added over time. We will collect more stories, find more dead, honour them with our recall and ceremonies, celebrate their resilience and their achievements. Grow our community of memory.

Eamonn McKee

Ottawa

17 June 2025

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Mother Barnes, ‘The Witch of Plum Hollow’

Born Elizabeth Martin, 1800 Cavan Ireland, died 1891 Ontario

(As part of our Fifty Irish Lives in Canada, we searched out women, often unrecorded or anonymized in history. I am grateful to Quinten Mitchell for bringing Mother Barnes to my attention.)

For a woman to earn the moniker ‘Mother Barnes, the Witch of Plum Hollow’, some mystery must have surrounded her.  Elizabeth Barnes earned a reputation as a fortune-teller and finder of lost objects that spread far beyond the farming district near Brockville on the St Laurence River where she lived in frugality.  Claims that she was the seventh daughter of the seventh daughter were said to explain her powers.  While that helped affirm her powers for some, her fame and earnings during her active decades were generated by satisfied customers in a remarkable display of economic agency by an immigrant single mother. 

Born in 1800 in County Cavan to a landlord and British Army colonel and a mother said to be of Spanish descent, Elizabeth Martin was a strikingly beautiful young child.  Admirably willful too; when faced an arranged marriage to an older man, Elizabeth eloped with a young soldier, Robert Harrison, to the United States in 1814.  They settled in Coburg, Canada, but Robert died a few years after the birth of their son Robert Junior.

In 1831, Elizabeth married David Barnes, a cobbler from Connecticut.  Six sons were born, four of whom would survive childhood, and three daughters.  By 1843, they had settled on a farm in Sheldon’s Corners, Ontario, a hub of United Empire Loyalists. David eventually left the family home and moved to Smiths Falls with the youngest son, David Jr, reuniting there with an older child, Sam, (later reeve and Mayor). 

Elizabeth began to monetize her reputation as a soothsayer to make ends meet, receiving clients upstairs in her tiny cottage for 25 cents.  Kindly and slight of frame, wearing a black dress and shawl, her penetrating pale eyes often unnerved her clients. She swirled tea leaves to divine answers to her clients’ concerns. If her eyes hadn’t unnerved them often her penetrating assessments of them did.  Whatever transacted between her and those motivated by curiosity or desperation to see her, word-of-mouth ensured her fame, even across the border in the U.S. 

The situation was ripe with story-telling potential.  To a young lawyer she predicted that the capital of a future Canada would be Ottawa and apparently promised him fame as its leader.  This was the future Prime Minister John A. Macdonald. She was said to possess great powers to recover lost objects.  It was said too that she identified the location of the remains of Morgan Doxtader as well as his murderer, cousin Edgar Harter who was convicted and hanged in Brockville.  From lost sheep and horses, to marriage prospects, Mother Barnes had an uncanny ability to impress her clients and they the capacity to fulfil her predictions.

Some skepticism and closer inspection suggests that willing assumptions about her powers trumped mundane, even obvious, explanations. By the time of John A. Macdonald’s consultation, he was the coming man in the Conservative Party and Confederation on the horizon. Ottawa was widely speculated as the new capital, duly announced in December 1857.  Elizabeth had a life-time of experience to bring to her assessments of marriage prospects as young lovers opened their hearts to her wise counsel.  As for the remains of murder victims and lost or stolen livestock, she no doubt knew the local gossip as intimately as anyone and probably more so. Such stories suggest that Mother Barnes restored social harmony through crime solving and restoration of lost property. If the gullible or curious were prepared to pay the 25 cents, they got their monies worth not through magic but wisdom and experience.  Mother Barnes’ role as local wise woman would no doubt have been of help to the many Irish streaming into the area during and after the Famine, notably the tenantry of the Coollattin Estate arriving in numbers in Smiths Falls in the 1850s.

Elizabeth amassed no fortune but used her earnings to support her family and some orphans. Seven children, forty-seven grandchildren and fourteen great-grandchildren were there to morn her death.  She was buried in an unmarked grave in Sheldon’s Corners Cemetery.

In former times, the label witch or any suggestion of occult powers could have had dire consequences for a woman. By the mid-19th century, the balance had swung toward toleration.  From séances to automatic writing, from ‘scientific’ experiments to photography, Victorians seemed as fixated on the occult as they were on science and progress. Against the backdrop of popular fiction by authors like Arthur Conan Doyle and Bram Stoker, Elizabeth’s fame owed as much to this Victorian Gothic sensibility as to her predictive abilities.

Yet her real success was survival against daunting odds by marketing and monetizing her hard-won expertise. Two years before her death, she chuckled to a journalist that “I’m a bit of a fraud.” By then her record and repute were unassailable. On her death in 1891, The Ottawa Free Press respectfully and more accurately mourned her passing as The Wise Woman of Plum Hollow, noting that she had become an institution in her lifetime. Her reputation was burnished in 1892 when a local writer, Thaddeus Leavitt, published his short novel, The Witch of Plum Hollow.  Mother Barnes’ enduring fame encouraged some locals to erect a headstone at the Cemetery. Today, her cottage can be seen from the road that bears her name.  It has been restored from a state of near destruction.  Its small scale defies belief that it functioned as a home for Elizabeth and her many dependents.

Mother Barnes managed to achieve some economic agency in the only way she knew how.  More typical was Eliza Grimason, born Elizabeth Jane Deacon in (Northern) Ireland, who successfully ran her deceased husband’s Royal Tavern in Kingston.  Less typically, and with a whiff of scandal, she was from an early stage a close confidante of John A. Macdonald.  Her political support for him increased as her wealth grew. 

Both Elizabeth and Eliza represent countless other women who wielded influence unseen in the pages of history.   Most were denied remembrance, their lives of hard work, caring, intergenerational childrearing, agency, and resilience forgotten or dismissed by the men who wrote the record. Even those women who achieved distinction were far less likely to feature in the histories of Canada than men who achieved less.  Albeit in folklore and in the modest remains of her cottage, Mother Barnes scored another distinctive success in the mere fact that she and her life are remembered today.  That in its own way was a big of magic.

Further reading

Eamonn McKee

Ottawa, 13 June 2024

Further reading:

The Witch of Plum Hollow « arlene stafford wilson (wordpress.com)

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Global Irish Famine Way: Update!

Updates: Bronze Shoes distributed from the Irish Marine Institute’s RV Celtic Explorer, St John’s NL, to Quebec City, Montreal, Ottawa, Toronto, Hamilton and Niagara.National Famine Walk 2024 completed over six days, Strokestown to Dublin docks. Liverpool’s delegation carried their Bronze Shoes.Bronze Shoes arrive in New York to greet Bronze Shoes in Dublin across the live Portal.Canada, Ireland and Transatlantic Colonialism Conference at the University of St Michael’s, Toronto: Indigenous Famine relief recognised and Bronze Shoes formally received by Toronto and Hamilton. Bronze Shoes delivered to Niagara. Australia makes contact to join the GIobal Irish Famine Way.

The compassionate reception of the Famine Irish around the world has a universal message resonant today:

“Dedicated to all those who offer hope through compassion and success through opportunity to the stranger on your shore.”

“Tiomnaithe dóibh siúd a thugann dóchas trí thaise agus rath trí dheiseanna a sholáthar don choimhthíoch a thagann chun na tíre.”

Contents:

Purpose

Project Partners

Organisation

Outcomes

Launches: Canada, Ireland, UK

Future Sites

Global Irish Famine Way Conference 2027

Appendix I – Historical Background

Appendix II National Famine Way Stages, Walk 20-25 May

Purpose

  1. Starting at the National Famine Museum, the National Famine Way is a 165km trail in Ireland that traces the footsteps of 1490 tenants from Strokestownpark, Roscommon, to Dublin in 1847 during the Great Irish Famine. It was their last journey on Irish soil. For those who survived the ordeal, it would be the first stage of their long journey to new lives as part of the Irish diaspora. Today, the National Famine Way is marked by over 30 Bronze Shoes, cast from a pair of children’s shoes found bound together in the roof of a 19th century cottage.
  • The Global Irish Famine Way extends the National Famine Way by following the journeys of all the Irish Famine emigrants around the world, including the UK, Canada, the United States, South Africa, and Australia. One million men, women and children died as a direct result of the Famine, out of a population of 8 million. Between 1.5 and 2 million left Ireland during and in the immediate aftermath of the Famine. Bronze Shoes will mark significant sites around the world, including where Famine emigrants landed, and common or mass graves where they died on their journeys. QR codes will tell the local story and connect to the National Famine Way website for more information.
  • The Global Irish Famine Way:
  • creates a physical and digital living history of the millions of Famine Irish emigrants as a significant event in the development of the Irish Diaspora and of the Famine in its own right an event of global significance;
  • connects researchers, local historians, academics and community groups around the world;
  • recovers stories and histories of the Famine emigrants as they made their epic global journey;
  • promotes public history, public awareness, universal values, shared international heritage, local engagement, research, discourses on humanitarian relief, and heritage tourism;
  • imparts a universal story more relevant than ever, a story of human agency in the face of catastrophe and of the compassion the immigrants encountered on their journeys to new futures.
  • To receive a set of Bronze Shoes, local organisations form as Global Irish Famine Way local chapters, enter into a legal agreement with an authority for the long-term maintenance of the marker, erect a plinth and install a QR code.  

Project Partners

  • The National Famine Museum, Strokestown Park (Irish Heritage Trust), the Embassy of Ireland, Ottawa, and County Councils (Roscommon, Longford, Kildare, Westmeath, Meath, Fingal, and Dublin), with academic experts, local community groups, and heritage agencies including Parks Canada and related stakeholders globally.

Organisation

  • The Global Irish Famine Way thus far has been organised by a leadership group (Caroilin Callery, Eamonn McKee and Mark McGowan) and cooperative support from local activists. Funding has been provided by local organisations and the Bronze Shoes that arrived in Canada were funded by the Emigrant Support Programme of the Department of Foreign Affairs. The leadership group plans to establish in Ireland a Global Irish Famine Way Foundation. Global Irish Famine Way local chapters are being organised by those who come forward wishing to participate to make the necessary arrangements for installation of the Bronze Shoes. Through the Consulate General in Sydney, local representatives have made contact to join the GIFW.

Outcomes

  • Anticipated outcomes include:
  • The establishment of Global Irish Famine Way (GIFW) as a physical and digital heritage trail that tells for the first time the full story of Ireland’s Famine emigrants.
  • The GIFW will be largest heritage trail in the world centred in Ireland and stretching to the Americas, South Africa and Australia.
  • Recovery of the stories, histories, and influence of the Famine emigrants, including data bases to assist in genealogical research.
  • Creation and renewal of relationships among Ireland’s global Diaspora and with Ireland.
  • Promotion of the shared heritage of the Irish Diaspora.
  • Acknowledgement of the recipient countries and communities, settler and Indigenous, for their compassionate response to the Irish humanitarian disaster, including those who gave their lives as a result;
  • Recognition of the contribution and influence of the Famine emigrants and their descendants in the countries where they made new homes and news lives;
  • Strengthening of Ireland’s network of political, business and community leaders, who trace their lineage to Famine emigrants or have an affinity with the Irish communities and culture.
  • Promotion of public discourse on responses to humanitarian crises, their causes and solutions.
  • Promotion of heritage and genealogical tourism, linking Famine sites in Ireland to related sites, communities and descendants globally.
  • Promotion of the universal message still relevant today: to the strangers on your shore, offering hope through compassion and success through opportunity.

The Voyage of the Bronze Shoes: Launch of the Global Irish Famine Way, Canada:

  1. In collaboration with the Marine Institute of Ireland, a cargo of fifteen Bronze Shoes were taken on board its research vessel, the RV Celtic Explorer on 1 May at Galway. The ship arrived at Pier 12, St John’s Newfoundland and Labrador on 8 May and was welcomed by Ambassador Eamonn McKee, National Famine Museum Director Caroilin Callery, and Professor Mark McGowan of St Michael’s College at the University of Toronto.  On 9 May,Bronze Shoes were carried by the Ambassador accompanied by a delegation to The Rooms.  This walk featured in a CBC news report.  The Bronze Shoes were displayed there and a reception was hosted by the Embassy for the Irish community, the Marine Institute, academics, and VIPs including Federal Minister Seamus O’Regan and Provincial Minister John Abbot.  On the morning of 10 May, The Bronze Shoes were carried ceremoniously to St John’s Basilica where a service of commemoration and gratitude was held, with over 300 members of the public attending along with Ministers O’Regan and Abbot.
  • Anne Walsh MC’ed the event, with opening remarks by Ambassador McKee, and a service conducted by the Most Rev. Peter Hundt, Archbishop, Roman Catholic Archdiocese of St. John’s, Rev. Pamela Jones-FitzGerald, Minister, Gower Street United Church, Most Rev. Archbishop Christopher Harper, National Anglican Indigenous Archbishop and Presiding Elder of Sacred Circle, and Bruce Templeton, Clerk of Session, St. Andrew’s Presbyterian Church (The Kirk). Music was provided by Ed Kavanagh on the Irish harp, Uillean Piper David Walsh, Jacinta Mackey Graham conducting the Cathedral Basilica Choir, with Patty Fowler and John Fitzgerald on the organ.
  • Following lunch at the Bishop Mullock Library, there was a symposium on historical perspectives on the Famine at the Basilica. The service, lunch and symposium were organised by the Basilica Heritage Foundation, led by John Fitzgerald and Ann Walsh. The foundation is organising the erection of a plinth and garden at the Basilica for the installation of the Bronze Shoes and QR code.
  • Attendees at launch in St John’s took Bronze Shoes to Quebec, Ottawa, Montreal and Toronto for installations at sites including Quebec City, Grosse Île, the Black Rock at Montreal, Macdonald Gardens Park Ottawa, Middle Island, and St John (New Brunswick), Niagara, and Hamilton.
  • On 14 May, the Built Heritage Committee of Ottawa City Council held a public hearing on the proposal to place the Bronze Shoes at the common grave of 360 remains from 1847 in Macdonald Gardens Park. A spirited showing by the Irish community, with expert testimony and a large support group (including at least thirty from the Irish Seniors), resulted in approval.  The City Council voted to support the proposal on 15 May with a direction to have the memorial in place at the gravesite over the summer.

The Famine Walk: Launch of the Global Irish Famine Way, Ireland

  • Following the National Famine Commemoration Day at Edgeworthstown, County Longford, on Sunday19 May and the Canadian Wake that evening at the National Famine Museum, the Famine Walk began on 20 May at the Museum with walkers in period costume re-enacting the start of the forced migration of the 1490 Strokestown tenants. Local schoolchildren read out the names of the family groups that departed in May 1847. A core group of walkers led by Ambassador McKee and Famine Museum Director Caroilin Callery followed the route of the tenants to Dublin over the following six days.
  • This year, the annual Walk focused on promoting the launch of the Global Irish Famine Way. A delegation from Liverpool joined the group, carrying Bronze Shoes for the journey to Dublin and on to Liverpool. Canadian walkers were part of the core group and Ambassador of Canada to Ireland Nancy Smyth joined the group for two stages of the Walk. Each day, the group met with school groups who learned about the Famine, and carried the Bronze Shoes for a portion of the journey. A feature of these engagements was discussion of the Indigenous aid raised for Famine relief by the Wendat, Anishinaabe, and Haudenosaunee and upwards of 80 Canadians who lost through lives though infection assisting the Famine emigrants. Along the six-day route, local communities and leaders welcomed the group were with music, dancing, refreshments and insights into local history. In Mullingar, for example, the Walkers learned from local historian Ruth Illingworth that 100 young women were sent from the Workhouse to Quebec City in 1853.
  • In Dublin, the costumed walkers boarded the period ship Jeannie Johnston in a poignant moment. Following a programme of speakers and reception of the EPIC Museum, Caroilin Callery presented the Bronze Shoes at the Portal. On the New York side of the Portal by Vice-Consul General Gareth Hargadon and Elizabeth Stack, Executive Director of the American Irish Historical Society carried a set of Bronze Shoes. The event was a symbolic handing over of Bronze Shoes and a promise of the extension of the GIFW to the US.

Liverpool Irish Festival: Launch of the Global Irish Famine Way, UK

  • After arrival in Dublin and temporary display, the Bronze Shoes will be stored until transferred to Clarence Dock Liverpool in October where they feature at the Famine Memorial as part of the Liverpool Irish Festival between 17th and 27th of October.

Bronze Shoes:  Niagara, Toronto and Hamilton

  1. Mark McGowan conveyed Bronze Shoes from St John’s to Patrick Treacy and Declan O’Sullivan in Niagara on 23 May. The Embassy co-hosted a conference with the University of St Michael’s College at the University of Toronto entitled Canada, Ireland and Transatlantic Colonialism 28-30 May. The Conference included a dedicated session on Indigenous aid to the Famine Irish (28 May) and on 29 May a ceremonial handing over of Bronze Shoes to Robert Kearns of Toronto and Anita Ormond, Michelle Kranjc, and Laura Smith of Hamilton.

Future Launches

  1. Outreach is ongoing to establish Bronze Shoes sites in the UK, US (inter alia, Boston, New York including Manhattan and Staten Island, and Philadelphia), South Africa (Cape Town), and Australia (Sydney, Melbourne, Perth, Adelaide, and Hobart). Investigations are underway to identify Famine Irish in Argentina. Once completed, Global Irish Famine Way will represent a comprehensive profile of the Famine Irish around the world. The GIFW will be the longest heritage trail in the world.

Global Irish Famine Way Conference 2027

  1. Plans are underway for a Global Irish Famine Way Conference in 2027 (180th anniversary) hosted by the National Famine Museum with the participation of the GIFW Chapters from around the world.  

Eamonn McKee

Embassy of Ireland

Ottawa

3 June 2024

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Software and the Singularity: Ireland at the Cutting Edge of Quantum Technology

SaaS North Reception at the Irish Residence

15 November 2023

Remarks by HE Eamonn McKee

Welcome everyone, bienvenue, céad míle fáilte, and jambo.  Jambo is Swahili for hello which I learned today from the company here this evening, Jambo.  A big shout of for Jambo, a ‘software as a service’ company that has just established a presence in Ireland.

In partnership with the IDA.  We are delighted to host the second annual reception for the SaaS North Conference here in Ottawa.  Apparently our party last year was legend so we’re hoping to repeat it this year!

Thanks to our co-hosts this evening, the IDA, Ireland has been transformed.  We have some of the greatest companies in the world established in Ireland with strong sectors covering digital services, ICT, pharmaceuticals, Medtech, financial services, aircraft leasing, and of course quantum technology.

Thanks too to all our sponsors and to Air Canada for sponsoring the fabulous prize of two tickets to Ireland!

Last year I told you that there was no cloud, the thing you think you’re all working on day and day out.  No, the internet is actually underwater, in the submarine optic fiber cables that run along the bottom of the oceans.  And the last stretch of cable that finally united the world with the telegraph was laid between Newfoundland and Valencia Island in Ireland in 1866. That was the birth of globalization, the sundering of information from transportation. It changed everything.

This year let’s consider the mobile phone.

I was always mystified about how my mobile phone always knows how it is orientated: vertical, horizontal, angled.  It has a better sense of balance than I have.

It is a really important feature of the phone.  And of course orientating an object in three-dimensional space is absolutely vital for all kinds of things.  Think about aviation, precision missiles, and space travel, for example.

3-D graphics and software recreations of any kind of virtual representation would not be possible without this.

You would think that plotting this is a simple matter of three-dimensional geometry. Move the point or object along its three axes.

It turns out that it is not so simple.  Using only three axes gives rise to ambiguities, particularly when it two of the axes line up. 

The problem was solved on 16 October 1843.  Irish physicist and mathematician William Rowan Hamilton was walking along the towpath of the Royal Canal in Dublin with his wife.  He was on his way to a meeting of the Royal Irish Academy.  He was absorbed in this puzzle.

Then it hit him like a bolt of lightning!  You needed a fourth dimension.  He was so excited by this sudden inspiration that he scratched the equation in the stone bridge they were walking over, Broom Bridge in Cabra, Dublin.

As Hamilton described it: “And here there dawned on me the notion that we must admit, in some sense, a fourth dimension of space for the purpose of calculating with triples … An electric circuit seemed to close, and a spark flashed forth.”

This proves one thing: husbands don’t listen to their wives when out walking and solving problems! 

Joking aside, it was a moment of supreme inspiration.  He called the equation the quaternion.  The quaternion equation not only got the Apollo missions to the moon. It is the foundation of quantum mathematics and quantum physics.

When AI meets quantum computing, we will have what experts like Tom Jenkins at OpenText call the singularity. It will represent a paradigm shift in our civilization.  How we manage that will depend on how we will apply software to the enormous power of this convergence. 

There’s an old joke that when scientist created the most powerful computer in the world, they asked it if there was a god.  What is god, the computer asked? The scientists fed in a definition.  After some calculations, the computer replied “there is now.”

I tell the story of Hamilton because Ireland’s scientific heritage and the strength of Irish science in Ireland today is not readily associated with us. That’s a big mistake. Consider the following.

Boyle’s Law on the pressure and volume of gases.

John Tyndall and the Tyndall scale proving the connection between carbon and climate change.

The Kelvin scale for temperature.

Robert Mallet, the founder of seismology.

Charles Parsons, inventor of the steam turbine.

John Phillip Holland, inventor of the submarine.

Who can ignore either whiskey, Guinness Stout, and the famous Spice bag, first created in The Sunflower Chinese takeaway in Templeogue in 2010?

Hamilton’s true successor was the physicist John Steward Bell from Belfast.  Bell’s Theorem has overturned our understanding of the world.  It establishes a fact that scientist simply accept when it comes to quantum mechanics.  That is, that two particles are ‘entangled.’  Entanglement is independent of space.  That action of one particle has an effect on another independent independent of space. There is no traceable causality.  Einstein could never accept this and called it ‘spooky action at a distance.”

Today, entanglement is simply accepted as a phenomenon. It is a cornerstone of quantum physics and therefore quantum technology.

The quantum revolution in computing that is at hand is down to the work of Hamilton and Bell.

That tradition continues to this day.  Ireland is leading research location for quantum technology.

According to John Goold, Associate Professor of Physics at Trinity College Dublin, “Microsoft and IBM are here in Dublin and we have research collaborations in my group with them,” said Goold. “In terms of support of the MSc, both Microsoft and IBM were involved in the design of some modules, and Microsoft has a scholarship program for the best female applicants who get a Microsoft Scholarship, which will basically pay their fees and also give them a living stipend. They’re very interested in the MSc degree because they have ambitions to grow a quantum tech ecosystem here in Ireland’s capital.”

I should add too that Dublin’s thriving financial services sector is due in no small part to Trinity’s Department of Physics.  Dynamic currency exchange was first developed in Ireland, for example.  TCD’s graduates find ready employment in financial services. It is another example of the talent pool in Ireland.

Ireland’s scientific and technological community is literally at the frontier of quantum revolution in computing. 

Another example of Ireland’s strength in science is its Young Scientist of the Year competition.  John Collison won the 41st competition in 2005.  He and his brother John created Stripe four years later.  The company is valued at over $20 billion.

I would like us all now to raise a glass to Ada Lovelace. Augusta Ada King, the Countess of Lovelace, was the only legitimate daughter of Lord Byron.  Well educated and raised by her mother, Anna Isabella Milbank, Ada Lovelace loved mathematics.  She worked closely for many years with Charles Baggage, the founder of computer. 

However, where he saw machines as solely capable of making calculations, Ada could see many applications by developing algorithms to direct machines.  She is regarded as the founder of software.

I was encouraged to see that Firehood, the group of women angel investors, presented at the SaaS North Conference. 

February 1st is Brigid’s Day in Ireland.  She is the goddess and Saint of light, fire, creativity, and manufacturing. 

Today, Brigid’s Day is an occasion to celebrate women in business, the arts and in leadership.

So please think about what you might be able to so on February 1st to mentor and encourage women to consider careers in technology and software. 

Thanks and have a great evening!

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Searching for the Graves of Palliser and Butler in Ireland in the Summertime

It may seem like an unseasonal hobby.  Seeking out graveyards and searching through their long damp grass of a summertime in Ireland.  No beach for me with its tedious horizon and throbbing ennui.  Give me the name of some historical figure and send me to find his or her grave.  It has its rewards. On this trip to Ireland, I had two names in mind, John Palliser and William F. Butler.

Palliser was born in 1817, descendant of a Protestant clergyman who had arrived in Ireland in the 17th century.  Though born in Dublin, Palliser’s family roots lay between the Galty and Comeragh Mountains.  The area forms part of the Goldenvale, the richest farmland in Ireland. If his surname rings a bell, its because the prolific English novelist Anthony Trollope borrowed it for the main character in his ‘Parliamentary’ novels that were popularised by a BBC dramatisation in 1974, The Pallisers.  (Trollope’s fifteen year stay in Ireland saw him develop as both a public servant and novelist).

Palliser shared in the outdoor pursuits of his landed peers, in which horsemanship was a prized skill and hunting an obsession. His love of hunting took him to the prairies of North America in 1847.  Longing to return there, his proposed expedition to British Northern America was sponsored by the Colonial Office as a scientific one that also had the ulterior purpose of projecting British sovereignty above the yet to be defined border of the 49th parallel separating British North America from the United States. 

Palliser’s report of three  years’ exploration between 1857 and 1860 was a landmark, opening the way to eventual settlement of what became Alberta.  Irene Spry’s history of the expedition details the thrills, dangers, and hardships of the expedition, led with exemplary diplomacy and tact on the part of Palliser (The Pallister Expedition, The Dramatic Story of Western Canadian Exploration 1857-1860 (Toronto, 1963)).  His leadership skills were tested in  territory that suffered lawlessness and much conflict between Indigenous communities and interloping hunters and traders, including those from the United States.  Whiskey as a trade commodity caused untold social damage.  Palliser’s hunting skills were put to good use helping to feed the expedition members with bison, deer, wapiti, mountain goat, sheep, wild fowl, fish and just about anything else edible. His knowledge of horses ensured success in trading for replacement stock from the local Cree and Blackfoot. 

After further adventures, notably hunting in Russian territories, Palliser spent the end of his days in Comeragh House, trying as best he could to manage his heavily mortgaged estates.  I was keen to find the grave of this consequential but largely forgotten figure.

According to the RIA’s online Dictionary of Irish Biography (DIB), Palliser was buried in 1887 in Kilrossanty Church of Ireland Cemetery. Google Maps put it northwest off the N25, west of Kilmacthomas and near Lemybrien. It was a fine sunny day.  Under the Comeragh Mountains, the narrow roads with their high hedgerows and overarching trees wound gently uphill.  After a bit of back and forth, we found the gates across from a cottage (the Sexton’s house, said a sign) that led to the chapel and graveyard.  The grass was lush and deep, though generally the graveyard looked well kept.  The chapel was locked, with tell-tale cobwebs across its keyhole.  Inside, the pews were still there as if waiting for the return of the local gentry in  carriages, horses, and Sunday finery. Beneath tall pines we found the Palliser grave, a low crypt enclosed by a modest railing.  A bronze plaque had been placed there.  The legend said that it had been presented in August 1977 by the Province of Alberta to honour Palliser’s expedition as a significant contribution to the development of the Province. Lingering at Palliser’s grave brought a sense of intimacy with the vivid accounts of his adventures in the prairies of the Northwest.

Next on my list was the final resting place of William Francis Butler.  He was born in Golden, Co Tipperary in 1838. While the Butler was a prestigious and storied one in Ireland, his family were a cadet branch without much wealth. His father was a substantial farmer though he rented far more land than he owned. Butler had to make his own way in the world and his thirst for adventure brought him to a career in the British Army, despite the disadvantages of being a Catholic and without the money to buy an officer’s rank. Though a Catholic and a Home Ruler, his adventurous life as an officer of the British Army had not only taken him to Canada but involved him in some of the seminal colonial events of the British Empire in the latter half of the 19th century: rebellions in Burma and India, attempting to rescue General Gordon in Sudan via Egypt (where he recruited Canadian voyageurs to man a fleet of boats), fighting the Ashanti in West Africa, and reluctantly countering the Boers in South Africa. 

In 1870 Butler had been engaged as an intelligence officer by the leader of a military expedition to confront Louis Riel, the Métis leader who had led the resistance to settlement around the Red River settlement (today’s Winnipeg).   Riel’s provisional government was instrumental in creating the Province of Manitoba, but the Act establishing it contained no amnesty for his actions.  The expedition was led by Dublin man Garnet Wolseley, regarded as the most capable British Army officer of his generation.  Public opinion in the US gleefully assumed failure.  Wolseley proved his mettle by successfully leading 1100 troops supported by 400 voyagers from Lake Superior to Fort Garry, building 40 miles of road and undertaking 47 porterages. Riel had fled to the US by the time Wolseley arrived at Fort Garry, but the expedition was a key event in the colonisation of the prairies.  Butler’s role had been to explore the territory in advance of Wolseley, in the course of which he met Riel (it is fair to say Butler was unimpressed).  He was then commissioned by the Lt Governor to continue his explorations.  Butler’s recommendations led to the creation of the Northwest Mounted Police, later the Royal Canadian Mounted Police.

Through it all, Butler kept up his writing.  His account of his adventures in the prairies of the Northwest, The Great Lone Land, had been a bestseller. It remains today an immersive read, full of descriptive gems, and suffused with much admiration for Indigenous life and sorrow at its inevitable extirpation by white settlers. Butler’s sympathies were influenced by his upbringing.  His father had impoverished the family by charitable donations during the Great Famine.  He had brought his young son to see the terrors of evictions which left an indelible mark on Butler and a sympathy for the oppressed and the doomed.  In his writings, Butler is clear about the savagery of the white settlers and his doubts of the true values of Victorian progress, however inexorable its course.  He seemed happiest travelling alone in the untamed wilderness of the Canadian Northwest. Butler’s novel, Red Cloud, The Solitary Sioux, was on the syllabus of Irish secondary schools up to the 1930s.

On retirement from his successful military with the rank of Lt General and a knighthood, Butler lived at Bansha Castle, Co Tipperary, near his birthplace at Golden and purchased for him by the British Government as a house of favour. He died there in 1910, and was buried locally with an impressive military escort.  The DIB noted his burial at Killardrigh (from the Irish for church of the high king).  This proved hard to find because the cemetery is locally called Killaldriffe. However, find it we did, with the lavender backdrop of the Galty Mountains resplendent under a bright blue sky.   A stone plaque cemented into the wall of the cemetery reads: “This is the burial place of Lt Gen William Francis Butler…famous soldier, author, Irishman.”  It quotes a poem by Butler found among his papers with the plea to “give me but six foot three (one inch to spare)/ of Irish ground, and dig it anywhere/and for my poor Irish soul say an Irish prayer/above the spot.”

We found his grave beneath a modest Celtic Cross at the far end of the graveyard, overlooking the rich pastures of the Goldenvale.  There is a heavily overgrown early medieval church ruin in the graveyard but it was clear too that the cemetery has been in use continuously to the present day. 

Nearby, I found Bansha Castle but circumstances meant I could only see it from the outside.  We repaired to our accommodation at nearby Bansha House, run by the marvelously hospitable Mary Marnane.  In the sitting room, surrounded by memorabilia of the grand old house’s horse-rearing and horse-racing legacy, which continues to this day, we met another guest, Claire from the US, whose great, great, great, grandfather was Darby Ryan.  In two hours’ time, his famous 1830 lyric ‘The Peeler and the Goat’ was to be commemorated at the local Church of Ireland in the heart of the village.  (The Wolf Tones put its mocking lines to music in a rousing, tongue-twisting rendition, available on YouTube.)  We couldn’t resist Claire’s invitation and joined the large crowd at Ryan’s grave and later in the church, now a community centre, packed for talks about Ryan with a keynote address by Tipperary historian Denis Marnane. It is one of the wonderful features of many small Irish towns and villages that local history generates both expertise and popularity.

The historical connections between the southeast of Ireland and Canada are deep.  In the 17th century, fishermen from Waterford and Wexford were the first Irish in Newfoundland, there for its great shoals of enormous cod.  After the rebellion of 1798 and the dissolution of the Irish Parliament, there was a virtual exodus from south Wicklow and Wexford, many Protestant farmers.  Recession in Ireland after the end of the Napoleonic Wars boosted emigration, and the religious balance shifted to Catholic emigrants in the 1820s, drawn by employment on Canada’s canals and fortifications, and available land for farming. Irish soldiers fighting in the British Army were settled in British North America to help deter any thoughts of invasion and annexation by Washington.  This strategy of fortification and settlement was devised by Irishman, the Duke of Wellington whose influence on the development of Canada in the 1820s and 1830s was profound. Irish Catholic tenants from Wicklow (such as the Coollattin estate of the Fitzwilliams) were subsidised to emigrate to Ontario in the late 1840s and 1850s to speed the switch to pasturage.

John Palliser and William Butler were just a part then of the very significant Irish contribution to the development of Canada that stretched over three centuries.  While some 109,000 Irish Famine refugees arrived in Canada in 1847, twenty percent of whom would die in the process, the year marked the end of major Irish emigration to Canada.  Much of the Irish contribution to Canada has been forgotten, as has so much of what happened in Ireland in the decades prior to the Famine.  It was also obscured by the centrality of the US in emigration from Ireland for the second half of the 19th century. This is the way of things.  History moves on and contemporary events and concerns rewrite history.  What was significant previously loses relevance, just as the obscure can gain significance and prominence in official narratives, the stories we tell ourselves.

The next morning, we set out find two nearby sites that in their own way illustrated this point.  Knockgraffon proved elusive, though I knew it was near Bansha.  Our drive spiraled into a tightening circle on our target, a tree-covered prominent hill.  Suddenly a finely preserved Norman tower sprung into view.  I knew that the Butlers had built one at Knockgraffon.  A short drive further along the road revealed a stumpy hill, not looking at all significant with its thick hedging.  Yet that was Knockgraffon.  The name means the Hill of the Rath of Fionn. In Gaelic Ireland, for centuries before the arrival of the Normans in 1169-70, this Hill was central to the O’Sullivan rulers of the area.  It was the site of the inauguration of their kings.  As I climbed the short, sharp slope to its top, I could see why.  The summit presented a fine 360-degree view of the surrounding land, rich and fertile all the way to the slopes of the Galty mountains. Part of the regnal inauguration in Gaelic Ireland was the candidate holding a white wand and pointing to all points of his kingdom.  The emergence of nearby Cashel as the centre for the kings of Munster and the defeat of the O’Sullivans by the Normans robbed Knockgraffon of its role.  The O’Sullivans were forced to decamp to the wilds of Kerry. The Butlers claimed the land and built their tower at Knockgraffon, part of the defensive network that spread out from their famously impregnable castle at Cahir.

Heading north toward Golden, we found Athassel Priory.  Across a dung-strewn field that was mercifully dry underfoot, we crossed a delightful stone footbridge and through the stone-arched ruin of a gatehouse.  The extent of the site was unexpected and impressive.  Even more so were the ruins of the many magnificent buildings that had comprised the Abbey complex.  I had not expected anything on this scale, though Athassel had been Ireland’s largest priory.  It was founded by William de Burgh right at the outset of Norman colonisation. The sheer height of some of the remains was stunning (photos on my instagram account, eamonnseye).  I tried to imagine the priory in its heyday.  It must have been magnificent: So large and well endowed it generated a sizeable town in its environs.  When it was dissolved in 1537, the lands went to the loyal Butlers.

Athassel has been ruins for centuries and its significance lost, its fame eclipsed in the modern imagination by earlier Christian monasteries like Clonmacnoise.  The latter fit the official narrative of Independent Ireland in a way that an Augustinian priory at the heart of Norman Ireland could not.  The de Burghs became Burkes, now regarded as indisputably Irish, just like the Butlers. What we remember is a matter of selection, how we remember a matter of choice.

I left the beautiful area of the Comeragh and Galty mountains satisfied with small objectives achieved.  I mentally checked the possibility that at some future point the graves of Palliser and Butler will feature in an Irish-Canadian heritage trail. I wondered too about how we designate so many of them and their peers as Anglo-Irish, not simply Irish, or even in some references as British.  The so-called Anglo-Irish had been in Ireland for many generations, even centuries.  The Butlers had been Old English, descendants of the Normans and other early English colonisers, but had kept their Catholic faith.  So, William could be Irish but Palliser, a Protestant, Anglo-Irish:  Questions of history, historiography, even of philosophy but hardly irrelevant to the politics and future of our island. 

Thinking about the Irish in Canada, about the imperial Irish, Protestant and Catholic alike, I find to be endlessly enriching.  It is a gateway into our own history and role in the British Empire.  The imperial Irish far outnumbered those aligned with republicanism, in careers and activities if not beliefs. As I have written elsewhere, Canada was the future Ireland never had, displaced by the dramatic paradigm shift triggered by the Easter Rising in 1916 and all that flowed from it.  After a hundred years of Independence, I think we are ready to embrace the complexity of our past. We are free to choose to find a place for figures like Palliser and Butler.

Eamonn

Rathfarnham, 28 August 2023

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Colonial Twins: Ireland, Canada, and the Great Irish Famine

Address to the Famine Summer School at Strokestown Park House, 24 June 2023

Four Propositions

First, that the Ireland, England’s first island colony, played a key role in the development of its first continental colony, North America, and its later colonies in Australia, New Zealand, Hong Kong and elsewhere.  That role continued in British North America even more forcefully during and after the American Revolution.

  • Anglo-Irish from late 1700s (Guy and Thomas Carlton, John Parr, Walter Patterson, George Hamilton and his brothers, John Caldwell, Richard Bulkeley et al) to the Three Governor Generals (Monck, Young and Blackwood) before, during and after Canadian Confederation.  Wellington played a decisive role in the development of Canada after 1812 with his project which I call ‘Fortress Canada’.
  • Irish Protestant tenant farmers leaving Ireland after 1800, notably from Ulster and Wicklow/Wexford.
  • Irish Catholic tenant farmers, soldiers, and labourers, drawn by opportunities in the building of canals, jobs in the lumber industry, and the prospect of land owning.
  • Middle class Influencers: Thomas D’Arcy McGee, Nicolas Flood Davin, Ogle and James Robert Gowan, George Arthur French, explorers, missionaries, educators, journalists, and leading business figures.

Second, that local national government is a key factor in social and economic success and destiny. Conversely, its absence is a key determinant.  Ireland and its capital city prospered in the 18th century with a strong (Protestant but indigenous) Parliament.  Both collapsed into extreme poverty, urban decay, and economic malaise in the 19th century (Belfast excepted).  The abolition of the Irish parliament in 1800 combined with the nature of Britain’s direct rule, are the key determining factors influencing the development of Ireland socially, economically, culturally, politically and demographically.  The origins of the Famine and the authorities’ response to it lies in the Act of Union of 1800.  The abolition of the national government and its role in the Famine does not feature as it deserves to in the historical narrative.  The Anglo-Irish Ascendancy that agreed to the abolition of their parliament signed their own death warrant by handing power to London (e.g. the Encumbered Estates Act).  The fate of Denis Mahon perfectly illustrates that the fate of the Anglo-Irish when disempowered in the face of a great calamity.

Third, that Canada was the future that Ireland never had: The Rising of 1916, the executions, the War of Independence and partition dramatically shifted the paradigm from the consensus of Irish nationalism that reigned from 1870 and earlier.  What the Fenians failed to achieve in 1848, 1866, 1867, and 1870, they achieved spectacularly with the Rising, against the backdrop of fifty years of refusal by London to grant Home Rule.  The official narrative of the new nation state offered no room for the role of the Irish of the Empire, nor even of Redmond’s National Volunteers, ten thousand of whom fought and died in WWI to validate Ireland’s claim to nationhood.  It also therefore obliterated three centuries of Irish involvement in Canada.

The outcome in terms of public history has been to generate a misleading narrative of rebellious nationalists – read Catholics – and loyal unionists.  In fact, the historical record suggests that reversing the polarity would be a more accurate reading.  This has implications for all-Ireland reconciliation and greater mutual understanding.

Fourth, that Irish settlement overseas is the product primarily of colonialism not immigration, though immigration takes place of course, the search for economic opportunities abroad.  However, colonialism provides the only coherent narrative for the Irish abroad over three centuries.

Transatlantic colonialism is also necessary to understanding the creation of the North Atlantic axis between Western Europe and North America, and indeed the fate of the Indigenous of the Americas.  This relationship has been globally consequential: victory in two world wars, the Cold War and now reshaping global geopolitics. 

Ireland and Canada wrested our destinies into our hands in 1867 and 1922. Had we done so more contemporaneously our bilateral relationship would have been very different. With this new autonomy, new official narratives were required about what we stood for in terms of values and ambitions.  In the early formative period, this rendered inconvenient the degree to which Ireland was involved in the Empire: 30% of the British Army in the 19th century, 70% of Wellington’s Peninsular Army, innumerable administrative positions, and participation in settler projects. 

However in recent decades, just as Canada has wrestled with the colonial impact on the Indigenous, Ireland has begun to recover the complexity of its past, and the many strands of Irish identity that have varied by social position and over time. I have often said that Yeats’ line about 1916 as a terrible beauty is born, is really the birth of a terrible simplicity. Our history is complicated as is our role overseas. Not for nothing is this motto of our project Fifty Irish Lives in Canada 1632-2016: “It’s complicated!”

The Famine in Canada and Ireland:

In 1847, Canada learned the lesson of not controlling its immigration laws.  For many Irish in Canada, the Famine has created a false origin story.  As Prof Mark McGowan has stressed throughout his research, Irish settlement patterns in Canada were established in the generations before the Famine.

For Canadians today, we have to remind them of the heroic and compassionate story of their response to the arrival of Famine refugees.  Their assistance, often at the cost of their own lives, is a universal story with a moral lesson about helping the stranger on your shore.

The Famine created the iron triangle of the farm, the church, and the pub.  The farm had to be passed on to one son intact. Sexuality had to be policed. The Church was there to do that. The pub was the social life of men waiting for their parents to retire so he could inherit the farm, the necessary condition for marriage. The pub was the place you went not to meet someone. The land clearances and consolidation of farms enabled by the Famine generated the strong farming class that dominated the politics of Ireland.  The vacuum of direct rule empowered the Catholic Church not just in its partnership with the strong farming class but in the provision of health and education.  Famine enabled the Catholic Church to rise as the pre-eminent national organization for the mass of the population. That Ireland of the second-half of the 19th century owed so much to the formative influence of the catastrophe of Famine, rendered memorialization problematic until recent years. To remember the Famine was to revive guilt, loss, gain at the expense of the victims and helplessness. Best forgotten because it was too traumatising to remember. 

It is only in recent decades and the efforts of Jim and Caroilin Callery, and a new generation of historians, that the Famine is taking its rightful place. I would to pay tribute to Jim and Caroilin for what they have achieved here at Strokestown House.  The establishment of the National Famine Museum and the mobilisation of historians like Jason King, Christine Kinealy and Mark McGowan has focused new attention on this seminal event. Their efforts have not only deepened our understanding but altered our perception of the Famine.  It has done so by putting the tenants and the tragic fate of Denis Mahon at the heart of the story, based on the rigorous use of the archives here.  The many creative ways in which this Museum tells this story have influenced both academic and public history. It is a wonderful achievement that has yet to offer much much more.

We are now graced with the next iteration of the story of Strokestown House and its tenants. Hunger and Hope, The Irish Famine Migration from Strokestown, Roscommon in 1847. The book is a brilliant addition to the history of Famine, edited by Christine Kenealy, Jason King and Mark McGowan. Through great sleuthing and research, they uncover and retrace the journey of the tenants from Roscommon to Canada. The title Hunger and Hope eloquently sums of a human story of trauma and resilience.

If we are now through post-revisionism grappling with the Famine in our collective understanding, we have yet to approach the role of colonialism in Ireland and the role of the Irish in colonialism.  I would argue that the role of the Act of Union must be considered as a formative event in the unfolding narrative of the Famine and its ramifications, for example. Yet the role of colonialism in Ireland is much wider than the Famine, its ripples reaching to issues of the present day. This deserves analysis and understanding, well worth the dangers of navigating the shoals of counter-factual history. We cannot understand the role of the Irish in Canada over three centuries, nor arguably in many parts of the former British Empire, without the framework provided by colonization in Ireland and transatlantic colonialism. That is a topic for another day.

Eamonn McKee

Strokestown House

24 June 2023

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Oireachtas Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement

19 January, 2023

Statement by Eamonn McKee

Anglo-Irish Division 1986-89

I joined the Department of Foreign Affairs in October 1986 and was assigned to the Political Section of Anglo-Irish Division. The Division had increased its staff numbers to implement the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985, notably:

The establishment of the Secretariat of the British Irish Intergovernmental Conference (BIIGC) at Palace Barracks, Belfast. The Secretariat serviced the regular meetings of the Conference and was manned 24-7 by Irish and British officials and staff members.

An expanded team of travelers based out of Iveagh House with specific areas of responsibility derived from the objectives of the Anglo-Irish Agreement. Their reports were vital to the briefings and discussions at the Secretariat and the summit meetings of the BIIGC.

  1. The weekly pattern in the Division entailed the dispatch of travelers early in the week to meet with contacts and to report back. Their reports were compiled on Friday morning along with other reports of contacts and meetings from the embassies in London, Washington, and elsewhere into the weekly brief, known as the ‘Box.’ The Box was copied and circulated to the Government and senior officials on Friday afternoon. That day also saw the return of the team from the Secretariat and the departure of the weekend team to Belfast, under high security.
  1. The background of the Ulster Says No campaign led by the DUP, loyalist protests outside the Secretariat, ongoing paramilitary violence, and allegations of security force collusion and human rights abuses created a sense of purpose and consequence in the Division. Writing speeches and briefing notes, responding to a high level of PQs, attending meetings with official counterparts, NGOs, and groups and party representatives from NI, and responding to acts of violence generated a very full work programme. The SDLP, notably John Hume and Seamus Mallon, were frequent visitors to Dublin. SDLP representatives across Northern Ireland were essential sources of advice and guidance.
  2. As a junior officer, I supported the work of the political traveller, Liam Canniffe. Liam and I worked with members of the SDLP, notably Alastair McDonnell, to develop the Disadvantaged Areas Programme to help direct funds from the International Fund for Ireland to areas most affected by the conflict.
  3. The Department of Foreign Affairs conducted a human resource strategy that ensured that officers who were assigned to Anglo-Irish Division were rotated to related postings (Embassy London and Missions in the United States) and back to the Division on return to HQ. This developed a cadre of officers who had in-depth knowledge of, as well as a range of contacts relating to, the key issues in the peace process. This was an important factor in the negotiations of the GFA and the long process of its implementation.
  4. Following the pattern established by the Department, I was posted as Vice-Consul General Boston in August 1989. I was then transferred to the Embassy Washington in January 1990.
    1990-1996
  5. I worked directly with the Political Director at the Embassy Washington, Brendan Scannell. Early tasks included countering Ancient Order of Hibernia critiques of the International Fund for Ireland, the establishment of a funding scheme for Irish emigrant groups in the US, and support for the passage of legislation creating the Morrison visa programme which solved the problem at that time of the undocumented Irish. The Embassy’s relationship with Senator Kennedy, the Speakers O’Neill and Foley, the Congressional Friends of Ireland and related staffers was particularly strong and productive on issues related to Northern Ireland but also on all other issues, from visas to agricultural regulations.
  6. Ambassador Dermot Gallagher had opened lines of communication with Bill Clinton and the Clinton-Gore campaign. At the request of Senator Kennedy’s office, which was providing advice to Clinton-Gore on foreign policy and policy in relation to Northern Ireland, I wrote the draft text for the Clinton-Gore letter on Northern Ireland. Clinton’s presidency transformed the role of the White House with regard to the peace process and gave the Embassy unparalleled access. Brendan Scannell played a key role in this, having developed key contacts from his time as Consulate General in Boston. The Saint Patrick’s Day receptions at the White House were invaluable opportunities for networking and validating the significance of the Peace Process.

Anglo-Irish Division 1996-1999

  1. I returned to Anglo-Irish Division at the request of its then Director, Sean Ó hUigínn, to act as the traveller for the Justice and Security Section. Sean had been the key architect, along with Taoiseach Albert Reynolds, of the Downing Street Declaration, one of the breakthrough documents of the peace process leading to the 1994 ceasefires. This breakthrough built on the courageous outreach of John Hume in the Hume-Adams talks. Issues on my desk included parades (the Government’s submission to the North Commission), Bloody Sunday (the Irish Government’s Assessment of the New Material), policing, administration of justice, use of lethal force by the security forces, and allegations of collusion. I worked closely with a number of key contacts, including Alex Attwood of the SDLP, Don Mullan, Martin O’Brien and the Committee on the Administration of Justice, Jane Winter of British Irish Rights Watch, Brendan McAllister of Mediation Northern Ireland, Resident groups in Belfast, Garvaghy Road, Dunloy, journalists, solicitors, and republican contacts. I travelled extensively, more or less weekly, filing reports for the Box and regularly briefing the Secretariat on current issues and participating in meetings there with NIO officials. I acted as the lead official for the proximity talks on Drumcree 1997-1998. My opposite number was Jonathan Powell, Prime Minister Blair’s Chief of Staff.
  2. In the run-up to the negotiations for the GFA, the new Director of Anglo-Irish Division, Dermot Gallagher, formed the Talks Team. I was a member of that team with particular responsibility for policing, justice and security normalisation. Martin Mansergh worked on the new proposed text for Articles 2 and 3 and I sent him a paper recommending the addition of ‘entitlement’ to the ‘birth right.’ By the time I arrived at Castle Complex, draft text had been agreed to on the policing section of the GFA. I invited Seamus Mallon and Alex Attwood to review it, and they confirmed my concerns. Thereafter I was the lead official negotiating new text with the NIO team. The NIO were focused on policing, that which continued to be effective, whereas I was focused on a future policing service that in its composition and ethos reflected society. Both objectives were essential. This creative tension produced hard bargaining, but a very good outcome regarding the terms of reference for what would become the Patten Commission’s recommendations. I extracted some final concessions at our last negotiation session unaware that PM Blair had instructed his officials that all text be finalised with the exception of the language around the North-South bodies.
  3. Overall, the Patten Commission did an excellent job through extensive consultations and a comprehensive set of recommendations that adhered closely to the terms of reference. Patten himself made this clear on the publication of his report when some unionists expressed surprise at the outcome of the Commission’s work. The post-conflict transition in the security sector is one of the most difficult to achieve and sustain in any peace process. In the formation of the Patten Commission, I insisted on the inclusion of Professor Peter Lynch. I understand that he made a significant contribution that helped eliminate the use of plastic baton rounds. The PSNI is an outstanding example of a successful security sector reform process.
  4. I would like to pay tribute to Alex Attwood and Brian Barrington who helped steer the whole implementation of the Patten Recommendations and the establishment of the Policing Board with a forensic focus and determination. For example, Alex played a particularly crucial role in resolving the issue of the Policing Board’s access to sensitive material involving national security on matters relevant to the Authority and its credibility. As with the Finucane case, the SDLP were determined to ensure that allegations of state collusion in the use of lethal force could not and would not be outside the mechanisms for accountability that it endorsed.
  5. Another crucial factor in the success of the policing transformation was the creation of the Oversight Commission led by former New York police officer John Considine and the Office of the Police Ombudsman under Dame Nuala O’Loan. The Oversight Commission ensured that the recommendations of the Patten Commission were fully implemented and operational on the ground. This provided a vital assurance for the acceptance of the PSNI and the eventual decommissioning of paramilitary weapons.

Consulate General New York, 1999-2001
I was assigned as Press Officer to the Consulate General in New York and returned to HQ in December 2001.

Anglo-Irish Division, 2002-2004
I was again assigned to Anglo-Irish, this time as head of the Justice and Security Section.

  1. During the negotiations of the GFA, I learned that it had been agreed that while policing would have a full independent commission, the justice system would be reviewed only. This reflected a strong belief in the NIO and among Unionists that the justice system had continued to operate throughout the conflict and did not require fundamental reform. However, the review process was not without its problems. When I returned in 2002, I learned from contacts that the Criminal Justice Act, which gave effect to the recommendations of the Review, fell short of requirements, notably on judicial appointments. In anticipation of another round of talks to advance the implement of the GFA and secure the decommissioning of paramilitary weapons, I convened talks involving the SDLP, led by Alex Attwood, and Sinn Féin, led by Gerry Kelly, at the Wellington Park hotel to agree a common agenda for amendments to the Act. These proposed changes became part of the negotiations convened at Hillsborough in March 2003. These commitments, including to a new Act, were published in a Joint Declaration by the British and Irish Governments in April 2003.
  2. I was also involved in secret talks at Farmleigh with British security officials on security normalisation. This was the culmination of many years of talks about the pace of normalisation. For example, the Chief Constable regarded the Observation Towers in South Armagh as essential to the safety of his officers where locals detested them as unwarranted intrusions. They had continued in operation for many years after the signing of the GFA. Seamus Mallon with mordant humour regarded them as the bane of his life. The eventual dismantling of the Towers and other military installations were seen as tangible indications of the progress of the peace process.
  3. Arising from the Weston Park Agreement and the SDLP’s endorsement of the new policing arrangements, the British and Irish Governments agreed to appoint a judge of international standing to investigate allegations of collusion in six controversial cases, including the murder of Pat Finucane. The judge was to make a recommendation on whether any or all of these cases merited a public inquiry. There was considerable back and forth between Dublin and London as to the appointee7. I interviewed and recommended Judge Peter Cory of the Supreme Court of Canada. This was endorsed by the British Government. Judge Cory did an outstanding job with speed and great integrity. His recommendation for a public inquiry into the murder of Pat Finucane has yet to be implemented.

Irish Aid, UN Director, Director Conflict Resolution Unit, 2004-2009

In 2005 I was asked by the Secretary General Dermot Gallagher, acting at the request of the Minister, Dermot Ahern T.D., to establish a conflict resolution unit to share the lessons of the peace process. We launched a number of initiatives including a National Action Plan on UNSC 1325 Women, Peace and Security, and projects in East Timor, Liberia, and Sierra Leone. In 2009 I was appointed as Ambassador to the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.

2013 to the present
In 2013 I was appointed Ambassador to Israel. In 2015 I returned to HQ as Director General for Trade. In 2020 I was appointed as Ambassador to Canada, Jamaica and The Bahamas.

Eamonn McKee
Ambassador of Ireland, Ottawa
15 January 2022

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The Good Friday Agreement Twenty-five years on: The Summer of 1998 and the Long Road to Peace

Travelers were officials working in Anglo-Irish Division who would weekly travel north to meet contacts, learn what was going on, report back and feed into intergovernmental discussions. Memory jog seeing my NI reports surface in the released state papers.[1] The parades issue was my beat as a traveler.  It pitched NI into new levels of heightened social tensions with dire potential.

Flashpoints combusted when Orange Lodges insisted on marching through nationalist areas. Places like the Lower Ormeau Road in south Belfast and the small village of Dunloy in the heart of Orange country in Antrim.  Drumcree in Armagh, the birthplace of Orangism, emerged as the leading battle of wills. 

Portadown Orange Lodge No. 1 held a traditional church service at Drumcree on the Sunday before the Twelfth of July, the annual celebration of King William of Orange’s victory over King James at the Battle of the Boyne in 1691.  The traditional route took them along the Garvaghy Road, a nationalist housing estate on the edge of the predominantly loyalist Portadown. For the Twelfth, Portadown centre would be festooned with red, white and blue bunting, curb stones similarly painted, and triumphal arches erected across the street depicting King Billy astride a white horse.

Why now, with the ceasefires in place? As my contact and friend Brendan McAllister of Mediation Northern Ireland explained to me, the parades issue emerged after the paramilitary ceasefires as the new vehicle for the cross-community divisions that lay at the heart of the conflict.  The struggle between the paramilitaries and the security forces had acted as a default, a kind of lethal Punch and Judy show between ‘professionals’ on both sides, paramilitaries and the security forces.[2] 

The Orange Lodges insisted that they had the right to march ‘the Queen’s highways.’  Resident groups resisted this, saying they should not be locked in their homes with the security forces aiding a sectarian and triumphal demonstration. Each side saw in this a contest about their place in society, their rights, and the esteem of their identity.

The British Government appointed the North Commission to review parades and marches.  It reported that “The dispute in the summer of 1996 between the Loyal Orders and Nationalist residents groups, which required major intervention by the police under the public order legislation, brought Northern Ireland close to anarchy.”[3] Since the issue was on my desk, I drafted the Government’s response to the North Review.  It appeared from my research that while the right to assembly was a well-established one in many jurisdictions, there was no right to decide the route to that assembly.  Our submission argued that each parade dispute be subjected to arbitration based on the rule of law to adjudicate between those who insisted on marching and those who resisted such marches. The Director General, Sean Ó hUigínn, reviewed, honed and approved the draft. We traveled to meet the North Review to discuss the submission, Sean leading the delegation and responding to their questions with his eloquence and deep intellect. He left satisfied with the outcome. The North Review recommended the establishment of a Parades Commission operating under a new Public Processions (NI) Act 1998.[4] 

Tensions spilled over again in July 1997 as the Garvaghy Residents were cleared off their streets by the RUC on the night before the Orange parade. Riots broke out across the North.  The Minister, Ray Burke, called me to his office and instructed me to meet the residents. From the rise above Newry town, an eerie sight of plumes of black smoke rose across the North.

With the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in April 1998, the Drumcree march in July became a test case.  The newly established Parades Commission had ruled against the parade going via the Garvaghy Road. Loyalists and Orangemen gathered outside the church at Drumcree.  Nationalist supporters flooded into the Garvaghy Road.  The British Army dug a ditch and put up barbed wire in between both groups. There was something primal about the carnival of menace, jeering, fireworks and hatred from Drumcree hill. Everything seemed to be on the line: rights, law and order, the authority of the Parades Commission, the future.

In an attempt to head off the confrontation, ‘proximity talks’ were convened.  The Orange Order refused to meet directly with the Garvaghy Residents, seeing in this an admission that the Residents had a say in public order.  I was with them as the Government’s representative.  Their legal advisor was Rosemary Nelson from nearby Lurgan. I knew Rosemary from previous cases that we had raised through the Secretariat of the Intergovernmental Conference.  We talked a lot about the North in the longueurs of the proximity talks, about the tensions of living there, of the relief she felt whenever she crossed the border south. There wasn’t much for me to do but observe, check with contacts, make sure no untoward or unacceptable initiatives made matters worse, and keep Dublin closely informed. Under the leadership of the new DG of Anglo-Irish, Dermot Gallagher, senior officials in Dublin, Belfast and London were actively engaged and monitoring developments, advising the Taoiseach Bertie Ahern as developments unfolded. I’m sure the lines between Ahern and Blair were busy. Up north, as a mediator trusted by all sides including leading churchmen on both sides, Brendan McAllister was trying his best to cajole a solution. My opposite number was Jonathan Powell, Tony Blair’s chief of staff.  Jonathan too tried his best to negotiate a solution as he shuttled between Portadown Orange Lodge No 1 and the Garvaghy Road Residents. 

Then a horrific incident changed the atmosphere. Jason, Mark and Richard Quinn, three young boys, died in a UVF firebomb attack on their home in Ballymoney on July 12th. Widespread condemnation was immediate, including from some very courageous Protestant clergymen who spoke out from the pulpits.  A new consensus coalesced, enough was enough. Tensions eased, the Parades Commission’s decision was upheld. Garvaghy Road did not see an Orange Parade.

The Good Friday Agreement faced another dreadful test a month later.  On August 15th the Real IRA exploded a bomb in Omagh, killing 29 and including more than 200.  It was the worst incident of the Troubles in Northern Ireland, surpassed in lethality only by the Dublin Monaghan bombings in 1974 that killed 33 and injured more than 300. The consensus hardened that such murderous violence had to be consigned to the past, that the GFA was the future. 

In that summer of 1998, it was as if the Agreement, the shield of good intentions and high ambitions, made of words and ink, blessed by the people’s endorsement North and South, was being tested by the swords and dragons of Northern Ireland.  

Though Northern Ireland’s swordsmen and dragons died hard, the shield stood.  There would be other killings, for sure. In March 1999, Rosemary Nelson was killed when a bomb exploded under her car.  It was claimed by a loyalist group.  Yet peace had the upper hand and the inclination to use of violence ebbed.  Even the means to carry it out were tackled, led by the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning.  Canada’s General John de Chastelain played a key role in this along with its other members.  I had never been sure that decommissioning had been feasible.  In the wake of the GFA, a republican contact in Derry had thrown a live round across a table at me, said take it to Dublin and “tell them that’s the only f—king decommissioning they’re going to see.” It was a stubborn issue that took years to unlock but that too was achieved. As the new policing represented by the PSNI took hold, the prize of decommissioning all paramilitary weapons was finally won. The monopoly on the use of violence was returned to the state.

Twenty-five years on, the signing of the Good Friday Agreement reminds us of what we left behind: killing and hatred, a decent future frustrated by the claims of the past. Finding peace in Northern Ireland had been a long road: the Sunningdale Agreement 1973-74, the Haughey-Thatcher summits in the early 1980s, the Anglo-Irish Agreement 1985, the Hume-Adams talks, the paramilitary ceases fires in 1994 and 1997, the GFA in 1998 and the twenty-nine subsequent agreements to implement it.  Through infinite hours of talks, meetings and negotiations, peace came dropping slow.

Great leaders emerged who took courageous decisions: Hume, Mallon, Haughey, Thatcher, FitzGerald, Spring, Major, Reynolds, Adams, McGuinness, Trimble, Robinson, Bruton, McAleese, Paisely (eventually) and Blair.  Countless others included the women of the Peace Movement like Mairead Corrigan and later leaders of the Women’s Coalition like Monica McWilliams and Pearl Sagar.  People working in NGOs and community groups at interfaces, risking vilification and physical violence to inch forward toleration.

Now the black swan of Brexit calls again for leadership of a very high order, provided on the Irish side by a new political generation. Like generations of peace makers of all kinds, as officials we were sustained by a ‘duty of hope’, committed to the process, always working toward a better future.  Here’s to more progress in 2023.

Eamonn

Ottawa

1 January 2023


[1] https://www.irishtimes.com/news/politics/pithy-and-precise-the-post-it-notes-from-bruton-s-era-1.4765531

[2] Security forces as a term covers many organizations, including RUC, its Special Branch which was regarded as a force within a force, the British Army and a host of covert intelligence agencies, including MI5 and the British Army’s Force Research Unit.

[3] https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/issues/parade/docs/north97sum.pdf

[4] http://www.paradescommission.org/

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Bloody Sunday: When and Why Apologies Work

Interesting to read about British discussions in 1997 about an apology for Bloody Sunday.  Northern Ireland Secretary of State Mo Mowlam wanted a review but only one such that “no soldier or other crown servant should be placed in jeopardy of legal action by whatever the reviewer might find or by what might flow from his findings”.  

As the Irish Times reports, “the restricted files released in Belfast show there was considerable debate within the UK government during 1997 over whether a fresh inquiry was necessary, or if a more limited review and apology might suffice.”[1]  The Defence Secretary, George Robertson, was concerned either that a review without legal consequence could not be guaranteed since a decision to prosecute lay with the AG, or that such a review would be of little interest to the Bloody Sunday relatives.  “A heartfelt apology should, in my view, be the Government’s last word on the subject.”

Here’s why an apology would not have worked in 1997 but was appropriate and fitting in 2010.

An apology in 1997 would have been an attempt to head off the pressure for a new inquiry into the 1972 killing of 14 people in Derry by the British Army (the Paras).  Pressure to revisit the killings increased dramatically with Don Mullan’s Eyewitness Bloody Sunday. With forensic skill and detective work, Don worked through the contemporaneous statements ignored by Widgery.  Over 500 statements had been collected by the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association and the National Council for Civil Liberties.[2] His account directly challenged the official British version contained in the report of the Widgery Inquiry.

Widgery, the Lord Chief Justice of Britain, had conducted a public inquiry under the gold-standard Tribunal of Inquiries Act 1921.  With undue haste, it took him only a month.  Yet his conclusions echoed through the years.  In exonerating the soldiers and blaming the victims with false accusations that they were armed, Widgery became synonymous in Ireland with a white wash. The Widgery Report was dismissed, including by the Irish Government.

The events of Bloody Sunday and the Widgery Report exacerbated the conflict, strengthened the Provisional IRA, cast the British Army into the role of aggressor, and robbed nationalists of any belief that the rule of law or justice was available to them under British rule. 

Yet however much nationalists would denigrate the Widgery Report, it was the official British version of events by the Lord Chief Justice, the officer at the very apex of the British legal system.  This is what the long campaign of the Bloody Sunday Justice Campaign was up against. If there was ever to be a new inquiry, the Widgery Report would have to be set aside. By 1997 the case against Widgery was reaching a climax.

The publication of Mullan’s Eyewitness Bloody Sunday prompted renewed calls for another inquiry and the campaign of the Bloody Sunday Justice Campaign got a fresh impetus. In addition to Don’s work, others like Professor Dermot Walsh of the University of Limerick had analysed the statements by soldiers to the Military Police and Treasury Solicitors, detailing their many discrepancies and alterations.  New ballistic evidence emerged, reinforcing the questions raised back in 1972 by Samuel Dash. Channel Four News broadcast new interviews with soldiers on duty that day that challenged the Widgery version of events. We discovered 101 statements by eyewitnesses collected by Irish Government officials.  Investigative reporting by the Sunday Business Post added to the growing body of evidence that the Widgery was indeed a white wash, at the very least an incomplete and distorted account of events. 

Parliamentary Questions were tabled in the Dáil.  In drafting responses, I suggested and the Department of the Taoiseach (Paul McGarry) agreed, that the ‘new material’ presented by Don Mullan would be assessed.  Initially I had no idea how to do this.  A colleague and friend, Gerry Corr, was intrigued.  “You are summoning beasts from the deep” he said, “What will you do if they come?” (Gerry became a life-long friend with a highly distinguished diplomatic career and one of the Department’s great speech writers. He had worked as a traveler in Anglo-Irish Division during some of the worst years of the conflict.)

So I went back to the source and read the Widgery Report.  It was a rich repository of material about the events of that infamous day.  It was plain to see where Widgery had to distort the narrative to validate pre-determined conclusions.  The rationale for ignoring eyewitness statements that conflicted with Widgery’s mission to exculpate of the soldiers was clear. The new material from all its various sources did not need to be proven factually or legally correct. Rather it could be collated and aimed directly at Widgery’s claims, paragraph by paragraph.  The Widgery Report could be hoist on its own petard. The draft Assessment was finished with great editorial and research support from colleagues in Anglo-Irish Division, and Gerry Cribben and Wally Kirwan in the Department of the Taoiseach.

However to my mind, the real test of the Assessment’s merit was the judgement of the Director General of Anglo-Irish Division at the time, Sean Ó hUigínn.  Sean played a pivotal role in the peace process, a supreme intellect at work navigating the way forward in the crucial transition from conflict to ceasefires.  He had been the architect of the Downing Street Declaration of 1993, working closely with the Taoiseach, Albert Reynolds, another driving force in the peace process. After Sean had read the draft, I was summoned to his office.  He was leafing through the document and lay it on the coffee table as I sat down. As long as there were no glaring errors in it, he approved text.  Relief. In his view, the new material fatally undermined and discredited the Widgery Report. More than that, Sean subsequently added concluding paragraphs that resounded with the high principles of justice at stake.  His indictment was eloquent and excoriating: 

“There have been many atrocities in Northern Ireland since Bloody Sunday.  Other innocent victims have suffered grievously at various hands. The victims of Bloody Sunday met their fate at the hands of those whose duty it was to respect as well as to uphold the rule of law.  However, what sets this case apart from other tragedies which might rival it in bloodshed, is not the identity of those killing and killed, or even the horrendous circumstances of the day.  It is rather that the victims of Bloody Sunday suffered a second injustice, this time at the hands of Lord Widgery, the pivotal trustee of the rule of law, who  sought to taint them with responsibility for their own deaths in order to exonerate, even at great moral cost, those he found it inexpedient to blame.”[3]

Under Sean’s seal of approval, Taoiseach Bertie Ahern conveyed the Assessment to the newly elected British Prime Minister, Tony Blair.  I understand that he underlined in the strongest possible terms the import of how Blair would respond and of the significance of overturning the historic wrong of Bloody Sunday.  Blair could have little doubt that such a powerful gesture would reinforce the momentum toward peace and reconciliation.

The intention was to publish the Assessment eventually so that even if the British Government refused a new inquiry, the Irish Government would table in effect an alternative narrative. It was a great example of the collective talent and teamwork that the Irish system was able to bring to the peace process.

Legend has it that Blair gave the Assessment to his wife Cherie to read with her legal eye.  She had just taken silk, become a Queen’s Counsel.  I like to think that that might be true. Imagine the scene as, possibly armed with a legal pad of her notes, she tells Tony that he can’t stand over Widgery.

It was quite a moment then in January 1998 as, across the floor of the House of Commons, Blair faced Ted Heath, the Prime Minister who had established the Widgery Inquiry over twenty-five years earlier.  Blair announced a new inquiry: “I have been strongly advised that there are indeed grounds for such a further Inquiry. We believe that the weight of material now available is such that these events require re-examination.”

The Inquiry would take twelve years and cost £200 million. Yet in that brave decision Blair sent a profound message that he meant business about a new form of engagement in Northern Ireland. 

Prime Minister David Cameron’s apology in 2010 was meaningful precisely because it was based on the conclusions of the Saville Inquiry. “What happened on Bloody Sunday was both unjustified and unjustifiable. It was wrong……Some members of our armed forces acted wrongly. The government is ultimately responsible for the conduct of the armed forces and for that, on behalf of the government, indeed, on behalf of our country, I am deeply sorry.”

An apology in 1997 would have done little to substantively correct the double injustice of the victims, murdered and then blamed for their own deaths.  Thanks to the Saville Inquiry, the victims of Bloody Sunday had their innocence not just declared but proven.  The wrongs of Bloody Sunday were laid at the door of the British Army. And through the long years of the Saville Inquiry, there was much truth recovery that in future years will be invaluable for future assessments of what happened that day and why.

Eamonn

Ottawa

31 December 2022


[1] https://www.irishtimes.com/history/2022/12/31/bloody-sunday-mo-mowlams-draft-apology-on-soldiers-not-intending-murder-ruled-out/

[2] Eyewitness Bloody Sunday, 25th Anniversary edition, p 23.

[3] Bloody Sunday and the Report of the Widgery Tribunal, The Irish Government’s Assessment of the New Material, p

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